The rule of law is kind of a joke

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Ain't they just cute in how they make shit up as they go along?

Chicago and Oak Park are poorly placed to make these arguments. After all, Illinois has not abolished self-defense and has not expressed a preference for long guns over handguns. But the municipalities can, and do, stress another of the themes in the debate over incorporation of the Bill of Rights: That the Constitution establishes a federal republic where local differences are to be cherished as elements of liberty rather than extirpated in order to produce a single, nationally applicable rule. See New State Ice Co. v. Liebmann, 285 U.S. 262, 311 (1932) (Brandeis, J., dissenting) ("It is one of the happy incidents of the federal system that a single courageous State may, if its citizens choose, serve as a laboratory; and try novel social and economic experiments without risk to the rest of the country."); Crist v. Bretz, 437 U.S. 28, 40-53 (1978) (Powell, J., dissenting) (arguing that only "fundamental" liberties Nos. 08-4241, 08-4243 & 08-4244 9 should be incorporated, and that even for incorporated amendments the state and federal rules may differ); Robert Nozick, Anarchy, State, and Utopia (1974). Federalism is an older and more deeply rooted tradition than is a right to carry any particular kind of weapon. How arguments of this kind will affect proposals to "incorporate" the second amendment are for the Justices rather than a court of appeals.

Yeah, try that with the first amendment, which specifically begins with "Congress," leaving it obvious to everyone, beyond any reasonable doubt, that the founding fathers were specifically limiting the power of Congress to pass laws limiting freedom of religion and speech or to establish a state religion. The second amendment ends with the right to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed, and yet curiously, that generically worded amendment is not incorporated against local and state legal codes. Well, I guess Congress, state legislatures, city council... ehhhh what's the difference among friends, right?

To defend this court's reasoning, one would have to forget the fact that pure federalism died in the Constitution with the 14th amendment. The United States has been, since then, a semi-unitary state. The desirability of that has no bearing on the legal fact that 14th amendment changed the relationship between the Bill of Rights and the states. Second, to defend their logic, one would have to ignore the fact that cities like Chicago make it de facto, if not de jure, impossible for a reasonable person to exercise their second amendment rights. Here's a modest experiment for these judges: try to open carry a firearm in Chicago. Even with a state license. Sling a rifle over your shoulder or put a .45 on your belt, and walk around town. If you do that for a few hours without being slammed face first into a police cruiser by the Chicago PD who will cheerfully ignore your permit on "because we don't want you carrying a weapon mmmmkay" grounds, I'll gladly change my mind.

Of course, it won't happen because judges rarely take into consideration the facts on the ground. They can seriously look at a stack of laws and regulations that, taken as a whole, would require you to do the equivalent of walking barefoot on fresh piano wire over a flaming pit of napalm while facing off against a hungry pack of rabid wolves in order to exercise your constitutional rights and cheerfully respond, "well they didn't outright prohibit it, so... it's constitutional."

1 Comment

Nevermind that it is specifically cited in Nordyke v. King that the right to arms is specifically rooted in English common-law:

   Blackstone gave the right to bear arms pride of place in his
scheme. He divided rights of persons into absolute and rela-
tive rights. See William Blackstone, 1 Commentaries *123-
24. It is “the principal aim of society,” according to Black-
stone, “to protect individuals in the enjoyment of those abso-
lute rights,” id. at *124-25; England alone among nations had
achieved that aim. Blackstone defined these absolute rights as
“personal security, personal liberty, and private property.” Id.
at *141. The English Constitution could only secure the actual
enjoyment of these rights, however, by means of certain “bar-
riers” designed “to protect and maintain [them] inviolate.” Id.
The right to bear arms ranked among these “bulwarks of per-
sonal rights.” Id. Blackstone considered the right “a public
allowance, under due restrictions, of the natural right of resis-
tance and self-preservation, when the sanctions of society and
laws are found insufficient to restrain the violence of oppres-
sion.” Id. at *144; see also Heller, 128 S. Ct. 2798-99 (“[T]he
right secured in 1689 as a result of the [abuses of the Stuart
monarchy] was by the time of the founding understood to be
an individual right protecting against both public and private
violence.”). For readers of Blackstone, therefore, the right to
bear arms closely followed from the absolute rights to per-
sonal security, personal liberty, and personal property.12 It was
a right crucial to safeguarding all other rights.

Pg. 4487

As this was used as a reference for the Founding Documentation, arguing that Federalism is not bound by it is flatly absurd; they attempted to address it here:

Plaintiffs’ reliance on William Blackstone, 1 Commentaries
on the Laws of England *123–24, for the proposition that the
right to keep and bear arms is “deeply rooted” not only
slights the fact that Blackstone was discussing the law of
another nation but also overlooks the reality that
Blackstone discussed arms-bearing as a political rather than
a constitutional right. The United Kingdom does not have a
constitution that prevents Parliament and the Queen from
matching laws to current social and economic circum-
stances, as the people and their representatives understand
them. It is dangerous to rely on Blackstone (or for that
matter modern European laws banning handguns) to show
the meaning of a constitutional amendment that this nation
adopted in 1868. See Nicholas Quinn Rosenkranz, Condorcet
and the Constitution, 59 Stan. L. Rev. 1281 (2007). Blackstone
also thought determinate criminal sentences (e.g., 25 years,
neither more nor less, for robbing a post office) a vital
guarantee of liberty. 4 Commentaries *371–72. That’s not a
plausible description of American constitutional law.

So, England has no Constitution, and we don't agree with Blackstone, so this invalidates the argument, QED. This argument is so weak it borders on nonsense.

 

As far as I remember, this is the last of three cases that were poised to bring incorporation of the Second Amendment to the Supreme Court. (Maloney v. Cuomo and Nordyke v. King being the other two). I'm not surprised at the outcome of the last two, but I was impressed by the reasoning on Nordyke, and I believe it makes the stronger argument with regard to "original intent".

 

That said, Chicago, New York and all of their minions can go to Hell.

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